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      "author": "fleurdb",
      "body": "<center> ![Haiti_market_466.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmUAbPAvaydom9R4noEtE2S9McBRprZ29WRaYMfQ9BEgfo/Haiti_market_466.jpg)</center><hr>\n\nClimate change can be defined as a change in the temperature and weather conditions on various levels including regional ones (May, 2011). Climate change is sped up by human actions of production and consumption, and in its current form is expected to become a threat to food security by increasing sea levels and causing significant changes in average temperatures (May, 2011). Even though climate change by itself is not necessarily detrimental for food security it is a key breaking-point driver as it usually adds on to already vulnerable socio-economic situations with limited political will and means to deal with food insecurity (Gregory et al. 2005). \n\nAs a primary driver, climate change can contribute to food insecurity through extreme physical changes to agricultural land, temperatures, changes in rainfall and the lengths of seasons, which can reduce the supply of agricultural foods and agricultural means for an income (Gregory et al. 2005). According to a National Intelligence Council Report (2012: iv) climate change is a “food production wildcard” because it can affect crop yields either positively or negatively depending on how climate change affects rainfall patterns and temperature. \n\nIn some cases, regions such as Russia, Central Asia, North America and Northern Europe, will benefit from climate change by creating additional cultivable land due to increases in temperature (Devereux and Edwards, 2004). The region that will experience “negative” climate change the most is SSA, where it is estimated that around 200 million people are food insecure and 70% of them are dependent on agricultural for their livelihoods due to increased droughts and changes in seasons (The National Intelligence Council Report, 2012). Additionally, the positive effects of climate change for some countries cannot outweigh the uncertainty that it causes on the global scale. \n\nAs a secondary driver, climate change can influence food prices and heighten existing inequalities in NFS as well as increase conflictual tension over access to food and food production, which can in turn cumulate to further affect food insecurity. In terms of the NFS, climate change has played a role in contributing to high food prices which are impacting the import bills of developing countries and the food infrastructure (Gregory et al. 2005). \n\nTrends from the last five years show that food prices have increased due to changes in climate and biofuel policies as well as increased pressures on natural resources such as land (Ringler et al. 2010). By 2050 it is expected that SSA will face a tremendous increase in its food import bills, which will also perpetuate a vicious cycle, increasing food insecurity (Ringler et al. 2010).  Additionally, climate change has also been contributing to various disputes and conflicts in SSA and beyond. According to a study conducted by the UN environment program the conflict in Darfur which has led to around 200,000 deaths has been “driven by climate change and environmental degradation”, and has had devastating impacts on the livelihoods pressures on pastoral societies and their consequent access to food (Vidal, 2011). \n\nAnother study conducted by Bond (2014) emphasizes how in Kenya the dynamics of conflict are highly depended on environmental degradation and competition over natural resources, which has led to a loss in livelihood resources and/or subsistence, affecting food security. Climate change can play a role aggravating the inequalities in the NFS through reductions in supply of agriculture pushing up food prices and it can increase the likelihood of conflict in extreme situations which in turn can further drive food insecurity.   \n\nBefore the 1980s, food insecurity and famines were often conceptualized as apolitical and technical caused by natural phenomena with supply-side effects. These theories were heavily influenced by Malthusian thought which had conceptualized famine as a “balancing mechanism” in response to population pressures on the availability of food (Edkins, 2002). Although some environmental determinists argue that his theory can still be applied today and in the future, it does not account for regional disparities and socio-economic abilities of countries to address climate change (Gregory et al. 2005). \n\nQuestions in terms of who is emitting most of the harmful gases and who it affects need to be addressed globally if we want to stop the breaking-point effect of climate change. Estimations show that the effects of climate change can be reduced by one third if various adaptations are adopted such as crop technology and shifts in cultivation areas and exports, as well as changes in tenure systems (Devereux and Edwards, 2004: 26). The investigation into suitable solutions and implementation of these solutions requires political will primarily on the international level (Devereux and Edwards, 2004: 28).",
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{
  "block": 24575013,
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      "author": "fleurdb",
      "body": "<center> ![viacampesina21.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmciYxEWParT4NhHkC3hYYGFsnjPu2C7r7ybDmp3J7Tzk3/viacampesina21.jpg) </center><hr>\n\nThe NFS is a key geopolitical driver of food insecurity today and will continue to be unless international political changes are made addressing its inherent inequalities. Neoliberalism acts as a primary driver affects food insecurity through its unequal effects on the access to agricultural land and food prices. As a secondary driver, it can exacerbate and increase the risk of food insecurity through its impacts on conflict and climate change. According to neoliberal economic theory, when a country follows its comparative advantage and opens its internal food markets up to the competition in the global market and large food and agribusiness, countries through trading, will be able to establish food security (Kılıc, 2002).\n\nHowever, in practice the NFS as a primary driver has driven and will most likely continue to drive many developing countries to become food dependent making them increasingly vulnerable to supply shocks and price volatilities (Sodano, 2012). Most SSA countries who entered the global market at a later stage, either through their own volition or structural adjustment programs pushed by the World Bank and IMF, had internal markets that were often not as developed and resistant to the competitive prices of developed countries (Clapp, 2014). \n\nAdditionally, their comparative advantage has often been reduced to raw materials, low value-added products and volatile primary commodities (Clapp, 2014). Whereas developed countries have followed their competitive advantage and have a diversified market, specializing in high value-added products (Bieler, 2015). In 11 countries in SSA imports accounted for more than half of grain supplies, with many of them spending more than $35 billion on food imports annually and this is estimated to rise (Munang and Han, 2015). The unequal structure of the NFS, besides influencing food prices and external food dependency, has led to a continuing growth in agribusinesses. Agricultural production businesses affect both the availability and accessibility of food in many developing countries with a large agricultural sector. According to Bieler (2015), many agribusinesses crowd out small-scale farmers depriving them of subsistence or the creation of an income through selling agricultural products. The inequalities in the NFS act as primary drivers for food insecurity in agriculturally oriented developing countries by highly influencing people’s access to food.\n\nAs a secondary driver, the NFS has in extreme cases contributed to conflict and/or climate change which can have a cumulative effect on the likelihood and/or severity of food insecurity. The inequalities that the NFS produces can induce and contribute to local disputes and national conflicts in vulnerable situations through increased competition over the access to food and agricultural land (Brinkman and Hendrix, 2010). Additionally, high food prices can play a role in causing social unrest creating political and social instabilities, further reducing access to food (Brinkman and Hendrix, 2010). International Alert (2017) conducted research and found that around 42% of the land deals agribusinesses made were taking place in conflict-prone and conflict-affected areas, mostly in Africa. They found that agribusinesses in already conflict-prone areas can increase the chances and likelihood of conflicts over access to land, and subsequently influence food insecurity. \n\nWith regards to climate change, there is a consensus amongst the natural sciences that increases in the global temperature are for a large part due to negative production and consumption externalities of the capitalist neoliberal system, which includes food production and consumption (Clark and York, 2005). Many climate change effects have affected SAA countries disproportionately as coping mechanisms are underdeveloped (Gregory et al., 2005). Although the extent of the role of neoliberalism and the NFS in exacerbating and causing climate change can be contested, the capitalist mode of production and expansion has contributed to climate change (Fletcher, 2012). Through influencing, conflict and climate change the NFS can play a role in increasing the chances and outcomes of food insecurity. \n\nTo address the inequalities of the NFS as a primary and secondary driver of food insecurity, an increased focus on internationalized political solutions is necessary. However, it should not just be limited to an investigation of the failures of the system but should also look at what makes this food system function and how the food insecurity of some is at the heart of food security and wealth of others. While Amartya Sen’s (1981) “new famine” theory, reconceptualizing famine and food insecurity, has been important in shifting away from the focus from mere supply problems to issues of access, “famines are still seen as failures of food supply” (Edkins, 2002:13). \n\nSen had not considered that food insecurity “could be a product of the social or economic system rather than its failure” (Edkins, 2002:13). The NFS has many negative consequences on food insecurity that can only be addressed by restructuring global governance institutions and ensuring equality in decision-making power for developing countries in organisations such as the World Trade Organisation.",
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      "title": "Key Drivers of Food Insecurity in the 21st Century: THE NEOLIBERAL FOOD SYSTEM"
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      "body": "According to Sustainable Development United Nations (2017) the world is facing a global security challenge of feeding 9 billion people by 2050, with one in nine people undernourished in today’s setting. This seems like an impossible challenge, however, there is no biophysical supply-side reason why this would not be possible (McMahon, 2013). \n\nTo grasp what is driving food insecurity and how we can reach the goal of global food security we first need to define it which is best done by defining its antithesis. The term food security was assimilated into the human security discourse in the UNDP report (1994). According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) food security is a ‘‘situation that exists when all people, at all times, have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life’’ (Schmidhuber and Tubiello, 2007). \n\nFood insecurity involves a decline in the conditions of food security through reducing elements such as the availability, accessibility, and utilization of food with the focus of this paper being primarily on the first two.\n\nThis paper will set out to explore three internationalized and interlinked key drivers of food insecurity in the 21st century drawing on current experiences and future predictions. The causes of food insecurity might be global but its effects have increasingly been felt in developing countries, most predominantly in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) (Schmidhuber and Tubiello, 2007). There are three key drivers of food insecurity in the 21st century that this paper explores; the neoliberal food system, climate change, and conflict, all of which are highly interconnected. \n\nEach key driver, besides conflict, can act as both a direct primary key driver and an indirect secondary key driver of food insecurity through its potentially negatively reinforcing effects on another driver as is outlined in the “Key Drivers of Food Insecurity Nexus” (Figure A). \n\nThe first key driver this paper will explore is the geopolitical driver of food insecurity; the neoliberal food system (NFS). As a primary driver NFS, through its adamant imposition of principles of free trade and subsequent creation of inequalities, can contribute to food insecurity in many agriculturally-oriented developing countries. As a secondary driver, the NFS in extreme cases can contribute to conflict through disputes over access to land and food and high food prices. It can also play a part in accelerating climate change which in turn can negatively impact food security. \n\nThe second key driver to look at is climate change, which as a direct primary breaking-point driver of food insecurity will pose a much bigger risk to food security as we progress along this century by causing physical changes to cultivable land and the subsequent food availability. As a secondary driver, climate change can be complicit in enhancing inequalities in the NFS and contribute to exacerbating conflict over access to land for subsistence or livelihoods. These, in turn, play a role in multiplying the effects and chances of food insecurity. \n\nThe last key driver, conflict, acts as a bilateral driver, because it is not just a cause of food insecurity but can also be the consequence of food insecurity. As a primary driver, it can affect food insecurity in two ways; 1) as an unintended consequence and 2) through its use of hunger as a weapon of war. By exploring internationalized political solutions these drivers can be slowed down or halted completely.\n\n<center> ![44.png](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmZuCCfJ21hL7fyMCLYXcqN8kq2Digtpg1EchRrc77iEb1/44.png)</center><hr>\n\n<center> Figure A: Key Drivers of Food Insecurity Nexus (I made this diagram myself) </center><hr>",
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      "body": "<center> ![download.jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmTMBRz7Jpgj68XeEuuhbZACPeUUSm7HH6eF7keXRykxBu/download.jpeg) </center><hr>\n\nIn conclusion, although western feminism is diverse and has various strands to it, for analytical purposes is seen as a monolithic movement and ideology. This way it is easier to use the three lenses of class, race and culture to analyse the concerns of western feminism. In general, western feminism is limited to the concerns of white middle-class women because their concerns align with those of the capitalist society in which they operate. Western feminism wants to filter through their concerns to the Other women and tell them what they need and want. These concerns can be general or more specific. Western feminism’s concerns can also be seen through the denial of intersectionality. \n\nWestern feminism aims to see women be part of a global sisterhood where concerns are met, but by doing this they fail to acknowledge their position of power and the concerns of others. Class, is interesting because it plays an important component in the West so even by those standards western feminism does not even appeal to all western women, only the ones who have a certain power relation to capital. Western feminism fails to see the specific concerns of different classes, other races as well as other cultures and religions because the concerns of these women are often in relation not to their gender but to their position of power. The Matrix of Domination is a good analytical tool to explore identity and show how gender is just one element of one’s identity and its importance is relative (Brewer &Collins, 1992). This Matrix of Domination has functioned as the skeleton of this paper.  \n\nGender is only one element of your identity and is not inherently more defining than class, race or culture. White middle-class women who embody western feminism are concerned with the problems of gender, not the other identity characteristics because that is the only oppression they encounter.  To conclude western feminism, although not inherently bad or linked to all white women, is primarily focused on the concerns of white middle-class women and often disregards, not always intentionally, the concerns of other women. \n\n<b> Bibliography </b>\n\nAl-Sibai, N. (2015). 4 Ways Mainstream Feminism Fails Muslim Women. [online] Everyday Feminism. Available at: http://everydayfeminism.com/2015/01/feminism-fails-muslim-women/ [Accessed 31 Mar. 2016].\n\nBrewer, R. and Collins, P. (1992). Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Contemporary Sociology, 21(1), p.132.\n\nBunting, M. (2011). Can the spread of women's rights ever be accompanied by war? | Madeleine Bunting. [online] the Guardian. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/oct/02/women-rights-afghanistan-war-west [Accessed 24 Mar. 2016].\n\nDixon, V. (2011). Western Feminism in a Global Perspective. Student Pulse, [online] 3(02). Available at: http://www.studentpulse.com/articles/395/western-feminism-in-a-global-perspective [Accessed 24 Mar. 2016].\n\nGallup, I. (2008). What Do Muslim Women Want? [online] Gallup.com. Available at: http://www.gallup.com/poll/105214/what-muslim-women-want.aspx [Accessed 24 Mar. 2016].\nGender.cawater-info.net. (2016). History and theory of feminism. [online] Available at: http://www.gender.cawater-info.net/knowledge_base/rubricator/feminism_e.htm [Accessed 25 Mar. 2016].\n\nMahmood, S. (2001). Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival. Cultural Anthropology, 16(2), pp.202-236.\n\t\nMohanty, C. (1988). Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses. Feminist Review, (30), p.61.\n\nNewstatesman.com. (2016). How feminism excludes working-class women. [online] Available at: http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/the-staggers/2012/03/class-women-feminism-books [Accessed 25 Mar. 2016].\n\nPovey, T. and Rostami-Povey, E. (2012). Women, power and politics in 21st century Iran. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate.\n\nRamazanoglu, C. (1989). Feminism and the contradictions of oppression. London: Routledge.\n\nSyed, J. and Ali, F. (2011). The White Woman's Burden: from colonial civilization to Third World development. Third World Quarterly, 32(2), pp.349-365.\n\nThe Guardian. (2013). Feminism 'has failed working-class women'. [online] Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/society/2013/mar/31/gender-pay-feminism-working-class [Accessed 25 Mar. 2016].\n\n\nTruong, B. (2016). We can't please everyone. [Blog] CHHUOTMANY. Available at: http://chhuotmany.com/tag/chhuotmany/ [Accessed 7 Apr. 2016].",
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      "title": "Is Western Feminism for White Middle Class Women? CONCLUSION"
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      "body": "<center> ![12.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmQdKpuPtjxtuZYPQikBYrcyYrsLTpYdcQBUcsasSkpSDi/12.jpg)</center><hr>\n\nWestern feminism, on the premise of its universality, in general does not believe Islam and feminism can coexist. Islamic feminism is involved in empowering women through and with their faith. Western feminism sees only the binary nature of religion and feminism and fails to see how feminism is integral and present in Muslim countries today. Another way to analyse western feminism and Islam is by looking at how western feminists in general are concerned with ‘giving’ feminism to Muslim women as opposed to cooperating in the already existing frameworks. In the 1950s and 1960s there was a new wave of Islamic feminism in Egypt which brought an influx of women attending universities and obtaining jobs (Gallup, 2008). \n\nWestern feminism is constructed on the premise of global feminist concerns and the success and existence of Islamic feminism would undermine that notion. The concerns of western feminists can be seen as being based on “saving” these women from their culture, men and themselves. This is termed the “white savior complex”, often also referred to in colonial times (Al-Sibai, N, 2015). Western feminism often ignores the fact that, “Muslim feminists created theoretical frameworks to provide in depth analysis of the Quran and Hadith and sought to situate the cause of women’s oppression not just in culture and religion but in capitalism, imperialism and patriarchy” (Povery & Rostami-Povey, 2012, p. 172). \n\nWestern feminism is concerned with giving agency to Islamic women without acknowledging the fact that many of these women already have this agency. Agency according to Mahomood (2011), is “the capacity to realize one’s own interests against the weight of custom, tradition or other obstacles.” Agency according to western feminism is something that should be given. An example of this was the use of the veil, and how the veil is not merely the vocation of the agency of many women but also a symbol of resistance to the western commodification of women’s bodies (Mahmood, 2011). Western feminism needs to coexist and cooperate with Islamic feminism as well as other feminisms in order to broaden its impact and analyse agency as opposed to assuming it.",
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      "body": "Congratulations @fleurdb! You have completed the following achievement on Steemit and have been rewarded with new badge(s) :\n\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x80/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/posts.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) Award for the number of posts published\n\n<sub>_Click on the badge to view your Board of Honor._</sub>\n<sub>_If you no longer want to receive notifications, reply to this comment with the word_ `STOP`</sub>\n\n\nTo support your work, I also upvoted your post!\n\n\n**Do not miss the last post from @steemitboard:**\n[SteemitBoard World Cup Contest - France vs Belgium](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-france-vs-belgium)\n\n---\n**Participate in the [SteemitBoard World Cup Contest](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-collect-badges-and-win-free-sbd)!**\nCollect World Cup badges and win free SBD\nSupport the Gold Sponsors of the contest: [@good-karma](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=good-karma&approve=1) and [@lukestokes](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=lukestokes.mhth&approve=1)\n\n---\n\n> Do you like [SteemitBoard's project](https://steemit.com/@steemitboard)? Then **[Vote for its witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1)** and **get one more award**!",
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      "body": "<center> ![_75172577_83775308.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmQNxLtVFmrpPUE8pKf8a9ViVMMUD9673uxZE35xHgutvr/_75172577_83775308.jpg) </center><hr>\n\nThe last lens explored is the cultural lens. This lens is a more nuanced one and does not only incorporate culture but also religion. Western feminism has its roots in liberal democracy. According to Ramazanoglu (1989, p. 140), “feminism is largely conceived within western cultures during the period in which capitalism came to dominate and transform not only the economies but also the cultures of other societies.” This implies that western culture is influenced heavily by capitalism and wants to assert itself over other cultures. Ramazaonglu (1989, p. 138) continues by saying that “the sources of division between women such as class and racism cannot be tackled without also taking into account both how women are divided by beliefs, customs, religion and sexuality-.” \n\nCulture has always been a malleable term that is often not seen in relative terms. According to Mahmood (2001), from the perspective of western liberalism, there is a vexed relationship between feminism and religious traditions. They are mutually exclusive, and this idea is also supported by western feminism. Western feminism concerns itself with “liberating” women from religious customs and traditions and oppressive elements of Other cultures. Mahmood (2011) concludes that in the general opinion “feminism is intricately linked with secular politics.” \n\nContinuing with the cultural lens, western feminism is not merely focused on the concerns of white middle-class women, but it also acts as a justification or premise for certain foreign interventions from the West. This view is supported by Bunting (2011), who argues that western feminism was used as a narrative to justify the US-led coalition in Afghanistan. Syed and Ali (2011) explore this idea further. They argue the United States used women’s rights, which are a western construct in itself, to justify the “saving of these women from the Taliban.” McElroy argues that white women in the West treated Muslim women as a homogenous category that needed saving from their own culture (Syed & Ali, 2011). \n\nThe creation of the “straw Muslimah” served as a scapegoating tool to exert Western control over these regions. The “straw Muslimah” became the poster child of western intervention in Afghanistan (Al-Sibai, N, 2015). This sentiment had increased immensely post 9/11 where Islamophobia became a central component of western societies. Russo looks at the Feminist Majority Foundation (FMF) in the United States and other western feminist institutions and argues that their campaigns had the actual aim and concern of US imperialism and militarism (Syed & Ali, 2011). Western feminism’s concerns with culture and religion in Other countries align with those of western imperialism.",
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      "body": "<center> ![middleclass1.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmSF6maSgRu5skmFgQ3DnLGwYFp3P5nm2vUTbXcc1qvAp8/middleclass1.jpg) </center><hr>\n\nBy adopting a class lens we can explore the question in terms of the different layers of identity and intersectionality. The classes will be explored to see how western feminism is not just limited to white women’s concerns but to white middle-class women’s concerns. These concerns are often concerns of opportunity and legal and political reform which do not directly affect all women. The concerns of both categories of women might generally be the same but their priorities are different. Dalia Ben-Galim states that feminism has brought advances for professional women, but a lot of women have been left behind because these advances were limited to top corporate positions (The Guardian, 2013). In accordance to this, Ramazanoglu (1989) pointed out that, “the political priorities of working-class and peasant women appear very different from those of women who do not share their conditions of poverty or exploitation” (p. 101). This indicates that for many working-class white women their primary oppressing factor is not their gender but their socioeconomic position. \n\nAs Afhsar (1985) controversially states, working-class women share their struggles with the working-class men, not with Other women (Ramazanoglu, 1989). The reason why class is a dividing factor and why western feminism caters to middle-class women is due to their relationship towards capitalism according to Zetkin (Ramazanoglu, 1989). According to Ramazanoglu (1989), working women’s concerns are “better working conditions, higher wages, unionisation, provision of food and better housing” whereas the concerns of middle-class women were “fighting constrictions of bourgeois life, fighting for education, universal suffrage, rights to property, rights to control own income, divorce, contraception, employment.” What Zetkin aims to argue is that middle-class women were fighting against their oppression from men, whereas the working-class women were mainly fighting the oppression of the capitalist system. Eleanor Marx stated that, “we [the working-class women] are not women arrayed in struggle against men, but workers who are in a struggle against the exploiters” (Ramazanoglu, 1989, p. 100). \n\nThe main argument is that western feminists’ concerns are more vocal in representing and bringing forward the concerns of the middle-class. As Newstatesman.com (2016) argues, “practically, the face of the feminist movement tends to be dominated by highly-educated women from middle-class backgrounds.” Western feminism even within the “western world” concerns mostly middle-class women.",
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      "author": "steemitboard",
      "body": "Congratulations @fleurdb! You have completed the following achievement on Steemit and have been rewarded with new badge(s) :\n\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/firstcommented.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) You got a First Reply\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x80/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/voted.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) Award for the number of upvotes received\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/post4day.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) You published 4 posts in one day\n\n<sub>_Click on the badge to view your Board of Honor._</sub>\n<sub>_If you no longer want to receive notifications, reply to this comment with the word_ `STOP`</sub>\n\n\nTo support your work, I also upvoted your post!\n\n\n**Do not miss the last post from @steemitboard:**\n[SteemitBoard World Cup Contest - Round of 16 - Day 4](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-round-of-16-day-4)\n\n---\n**Participate in the [SteemitBoard World Cup Contest](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-collect-badges-and-win-free-sbd)!**\nCollect World Cup badges and win free SBD\nSupport the Gold Sponsors of the contest: [@good-karma](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=good-karma&approve=1) and [@lukestokes](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=lukestokes.mhth&approve=1)\n\n---\n\n> Do you like [SteemitBoard's project](https://steemit.com/@steemitboard)? Then **[Vote for its witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1)** and **get one more award**!",
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{
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      "author": "fleurdb",
      "body": "<center> ![intersectionalfeminsim.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmbP9jsCF98WoRPpjGBNmEvGkV352Xo91M8ZKeNs1btwmk/intersectionalfeminsim.jpg) </center><hr>\n\nThe term “white middle-class women” needs to be defined and separated in order to fully analyse the different aspects of this term. White women are Caucasian women in mostly the United States and Europe. Middle-class women in this paper are viewed as a sub-category of white women. \n\nIn this paper, the bourgeois women are the middle-class women and the proletariat are the working-class women. These different social classes can be analysed and defined through their concerns. Generally speaking, the primary concern of middle-class women is the traditional gender roles and the patriarchy, whereas the primary concern of the working-class women is getting rid of the shackles of capitalism. It is important to understand identities through the Matrix of Domination, which illuminates the different ways in which identity can be explored, this matrix shows how gender is just one element of one’s identity and its importance is relative (Brewer &Collins, 1992). \n\nThe branches and concerns of western feminism need to be understood in order to comprehensively address the different lenses and analyse their concerns. Western feminism is an overarching term but includes different types of feminism most notably liberal feminism and radical feminism. Liberal feminism focuses on equality between the genders through structural changes in politics and law (Gender.cawater-info.net, 2016). This type of feminism is concerned with the individualistic qualities of people and advocates for reproductive and abortion rights as well as equal pay and universal suffrage. \n\nOne of the primary concerns is women’s involvement in production and labour. Western feminism aims to dismantle “traditional” family models. Liberal feminism is often also affiliated to terms such as a global sisterhood and the white-saviour complex, their concern is “saving” Other women (Al-Sibai, 2015). Radical feminism on the other hand is more radical because it does not aim for reform but for the complete overthrow of the patriarchal and capitalist system as well as a change in culture in accordance to western liberal thought.",
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      "author": "snowyknight",
      "body": "Ha, just saw this so perhaps some repeat from the previous post. Well for one there are no rules here, really. Trying to be respectful of each other, sharing knowledge, art, music etc. For example I can just say, hey check out this cool song:\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fpWqWGb_X2s\n(this is actually awesome).\n\nBut with text it seems that fiction can be spread over several posts. \n\nNon-fiction or research this is perhaps a bit harder as if each post is meant to be a discrete post, then perhaps it is best to put all of the references in the reference list for each part (i.e. each post). That way any reader can pick up your post and see the references for that post. That is perhaps what I would do as there is more utility for reader. Good luck with your research!\n\nHope that helps and enjoy the song.",
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      "body": "No worries and enjoy the ride! But 100% try to use a reference list etc on posts with reference to other work embedded in your text. This helps share the knowledge base. Cheers!",
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      "body": "Congratulations @fleurdb! You have completed the following achievement on Steemit and have been rewarded with new badge(s) :\n\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/firstcomment.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) You made your First Comment\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/post4day.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) You published 4 posts in one day\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x80/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/votes.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@fleurdb) Award for the number of upvotes\n\n<sub>_Click on the badge to view your Board of Honor._</sub>\n<sub>_If you no longer want to receive notifications, reply to this comment with the word_ `STOP`</sub>\n\n\nTo support your work, I also upvoted your post!\n\n\n**Do not miss the last post from @steemitboard:**\n[SteemitBoard World Cup Contest - Round of 16 - Day 4](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-round-of-16-day-4)\n\n---\n**Participate in the [SteemitBoard World Cup Contest](https://steemit.com/steemitboard/@steemitboard/steemitboard-world-cup-contest-collect-badges-and-win-free-sbd)!**\nCollect World Cup badges and win free SBD\nSupport the Gold Sponsors of the contest: [@good-karma](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=good-karma&approve=1) and [@lukestokes](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=lukestokes.mhth&approve=1)\n\n---\n\n> Do you like [SteemitBoard's project](https://steemit.com/@steemitboard)? Then **[Vote for its witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1)** and **get one more award**!",
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