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      "author": "wyctor",
      "permlink": "100-dias-de-bolsonaro-a-politica-externa-do-olavismo",
      "title": "A Escola de Copenhague e a Teoria da Securitização",
      "body": "No que tange ao campo dos estudos de defesa e segurança internacional,tem-se no imaginário estabelecido os elementos tradicionais que são associados ao tema, como os confrontos bélicos entre Estados, as defesas do território e o investimento militar. Não obstante, tais elementos são extremamente importantes para a literatura especializada, mais precisamente para as vertentes mais tradicionais que buscam estudar o conflito e as questões de segurança a partir de certas temáticas objetivas e universais.\nEntretanto, o que é muita vezes pouco difundido no debate público é a importância dos debates existentes acerca da definição dos conceitos de segurança e as contribuições que teorias alternativas trazem ao debate, ampliando a temática e estabelecendo maior complexidade aos temas de segurança e defesa e a conexão que tais elementos possuem em relação às dimensões política, econômica e institucional.\nA Escola de Copenhague, fundada em 1985 a partir da criação do Copenhagen Peace Research Institute, com vistas a fomentar pesquisas voltadas à segurança internacional, estabelece-se como um marco precursor da inauguração de novos modos de se pensar as temáticas de segurança e defesa para além dos paradigmas tradicionalistas e de caráter predominantemente realista. Entretanto, é necessário fazer uma distinção teórica para aqueles que não estão situados no debate e apontar que mesmo se opondo a certas concepções clássicas do realismo tradicionalista, a Escola de Copenhague não se caracterizaria de maneira geral como uma opositora radical a esta tradição, posição que estaria associada às vertentes críticas.\nAo contrário disso, a Escola de Copenhague busca trazer à discussão certos aspectos de uma perspectiva construtivista, criando um diálogo com as abordagens tradicionais. Por Construtivismo, entende-se, nos termos de Adler, “a perspectiva segundo a qual o modo pelo qual o mundo material forma e é formado pela ação e interação humana depende de interpretações normativas e epistêmicas dinâmicas do mundo material”, em outras palavras, a forma como a realidade material e social se desenvolve e responde a determinados problemas se fundamenta em interpretações guiadas por ideias e percepções acerca da realidade, que são construídas no interior da sociedade e guiam as ações dos agentes, moldando suas visões de mundo e o sentido que delas decorrem. Como aponta Marina Guedes Duque no seu artigo O Papel da Síntese da Escola de Copenhague nos Estudos de Segurança Internacional, “o grupo de Copenhague realizou uma produtiva síntese tanto das vertentes tradicionalista e crítica de segurança internacional como das abordagens realista e construtivista de teoria das Relações Internacionais”.\nÉ estabelecida, portanto, como uma abordagem tida como abrangente, que não nega o papel das temáticas clássicas, mas que busca introduzir elementos críticos a partir de abordagens interdisciplinares em relação aos estudos de segurança, enfatizando o papel dos processos políticos, sociais e econômicos que se fazem presentes nesses processos.\nNo que tange a sua principal contribuição teórica o conceito de securitização, apresenta-se como o mais relevante e original. Em suma, o conceito de securitização se caracteriza pela ideia de que as temáticas que são estabelecidas como objetos de segurança e ganham status de ameaça em determinado contexto social são, antes de tudo, construídos a partir de um processo de interpretação social acerca do problema e projetados através de uma agenda política que transforma tal questão em um problema de caráter securitizado. Este processo se caracteriza primeiro pela politização da questão, na qual a temática ganha status de relevância pública, em que o Estado deve se fazer presente e atuar na busca de resolver o problema através de políticas públicas, seguido pela acentuação do problema para uma etapa mais elevada em que a questão passa a ser vista como uma ameaça direta à ordem social e política e, portanto, à própria sobrevivência, recebendo o caráter de ameaça à segurança nacional e/ou internacional.\nUmas das consequências claras desse fenômeno é a utilização de mecanismos extraordinários e a justificação de adoção de medidas não convencionais e às vezes clandestinas como uma forma necessária para se lidar com a ameaça iminente, apontando a questão como prioritária, requerendo grande alocação de recursos e medidas emergenciais para a resolução do problema. É preciso, entretanto, fazer uma distinção entre um movimento de securitização e a securitização estabelecida. Sendo um processo, o fenômeno requer alguns procedimentos e etapas a serem guiadas para que seja perpetuado de maneira concreta.\nUm dos pontos de maior relevância na construção do processo de securitização é o ato do discurso, ou ato de fala. Como aponta Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde em Security: a new framework for analysis, “o processo de securitização é o que em teoria da linguagem é chamado de ato de fala”. Isto é, o discurso e a atribuição de significado se tornam elementos cruciais na compreensão de uma ameaça e isso passa necessariamente pela recepção de uma audiência que aceita e adota esse discurso como legítimo, reconhecendo a ameaça e legitimando a securitização da mesma. De tal maneira, o processo de securitização se dá a partir de uma relação entre o agente que identifica a ameaça e aqueles que absorvem o discurso, sendo um fenômeno que se concretiza a partir de uma via de mão dupla e do compartilhamento intersubjetivo da interpretação acerca de determinado aspecto da realidade.\nPor consequência, compreende-se que, em última instância, as questões de segurança e defesa não são universalmente compreendidas e existentes de maneira fixa e objetiva na realidade, mas são construídas a partir de um contexto político e social e da interpretação intersubjetiva, movida por ideias e valores que buscam interpretar o mundo material. Dito isso, a compreensão da segurança e da defesa acaba por demandar necessariamente a compreensão das dimensões políticas, ideológicas, históricas e sociais que giram em torno de determinado fenômeno e como as agendas de segurança são impactadas por esses aspectos.\nNum contexto pós-guerra fria, globalizado e no qual as agendas políticas em torno da segurança internacional enfrentam novos desafios ou, como comumente chamadas, as “novas ameaças”, a compreensão da securitização e o uso de tal conceito como categoria teórica se torna relevante e útil no entendimento de diversos dilemas contemporâneos, o que leva a outra característica importante da Escola de Copenhague: a sua aproximação com a tradição europeia de estudos de segurança que, distinta da tradição norte-americana, tem uma abordagem voltada aos estudo da paz e da segurança internacional em detrimento dos estudos estratégicos e de caráter nacional predominante nos Estados Unidos da América, característica esta que se manifesta na importância do conceito de segurança regional, que enfatiza a ideia da construção de agendas de segurança voltadas para a cooperação internacional a partir das realidades regionais e geopolíticas que seriam responsáveis por delimitar demandas em comum.\nÀ medida que tais demandas estabelecem novos desafios e ganham contornos dos quais as abordagens tradicionais se demonstram insuficientes, tentar utilizar ferramentas mais abrangentes que dialoguem com perspectivas mais plurais acerca do problema se torna necessário, fazendo com que, mesmo em suas limitações, a Escola de Copenhague seja uma opção interessante para quem deseja se aprofundar em tais temáticas acerca da segurança internacional e dos estudos de paz no mundo contemporâneo.\nReferências\nADLER, Emanuel. O Construtivismo no Estudo das Relações Internacionais: 47. ed. São Paulo: Lua Nova, 1999.\nBUZAN, L.; WAEVER, O.; WILDE, J, D. Security: a new framework for analysis: 1. ed. USA: Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc, 1997.\nDUQUE, Marina Guedes. O Papel da Síntese da Escola de Copenhague nos Estudos de Segurança Internacional: 3. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Contexto Internacional, 2009.\nHUYSMAN, Jef. Revisiting Copenhagen: Or, On the Creative Development of a Security Studies Agenda in Europe: 4. ed. London: Europe Journal of International Relations, 1998.\nArtigo originalmente publicado em: https://neoiluminismo.com/2019/09/05/a-escola-de-copenhague-e-a-teoria-da-securitizacao/",
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      "body": "@@ -9477,8 +9477,914 @@\n larecer.\n+%0A%0ARefer%C3%AAncias:%0A%0AARA%C3%9AJO, Ernesto. About. https://www.metapoliticabrasil.com/about%0A%0ABrasil avalia mudar embaixada de Israel para Jerusal%C3%A9m.https://www.google.com/amp/s/exame.abril.com.br/brasil/brasil-avalia-mudar-embaixada-para-jerusalem/amp/%0A%0ADE ALMEIDA, Paulo Roberto. %E2%80%9C%C3%89 inaceit%C3%A1vel para os militares essa subservi%C3%AAncia aos Estados Unidos%E2%80%9D.https://www.google.com/amp/s/brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2019/03/14/politica/1552600455_614851.amp.html%0A%0ADE CARVALHO, Olavo. Do marxismo cultural. %0Ahttp://www.olavodecarvalho.org/semana/06082002globo.htm%0A%0AFUKUYAMA, Francis. The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment. USA: ed: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2018. %0A%0AHUNTINGTON, Samuel. O Choque de Civiliza%C3%A7%C3%B5es: e a recomposi%C3%A7%C3%A3o da ordem mundial. Brasil: ed. Ponto de Partida, 1997.%0A%0AMAGALH%C3%83ES, David. Quem tem medo do Globalismo.https://cultura.estadao.com.br/blogs/estado-da-arte/quem-tem-medo-do-globalismo/\n",
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      "permlink": "100-dias-de-bolsonaro-a-politica-externa-do-olavismo",
      "title": "100 dias de Bolsonaro: A Política Externa do Olavismo",
      "body": "![e8782c_8d09571bdb8d47019414e25dc7c764c4_mv2.webp](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmXivgAYk8L8ckNGMRBzwXi2YZtthrdibicd6XDWkhEJvL/e8782c_8d09571bdb8d47019414e25dc7c764c4_mv2.webp)\nA emergência de Jair Bolsonaro e sua eleição é um demonstrativo claro da conjuntura política atual, não apenas no cenário doméstico, mas uma conjuntura que se manifesta internacionalmente. A crise que perpassa a ordem liberal, confrontada por aspirações de um novo nacionalismo que ressurge com ares de conspiração, encontrou sua forma tupiniquim e Bolsonaro surfou nela. Mas Bolsonaro não é o único astro do movimento brasileiro, antes, nas sombras, o ambiente do debate público vem sendo influenciado por uma figura curiosa, mas gostando ou não, importante para entender o Brasil atual. Me refiro a Olavo de Carvalho, o ideólogo do bolsonarismo. É fato que o Olavismo não é a única facção que ronda a administração Bolsonaro nem que o levou ao poder, há de se levar em consideração também o papel dos liberais e dos militares e de como o próprio Olavismo se choca com esses grupos em vários quesitos. Entretanto, não seria exagerado afirmar que as bases da agenda bolsonarista se alimentam predominantemente da mente de Olavo de Carvalho. Portanto, entender a influência de seu pensamento político se torna importante para compreender não apenas o fenômeno Bolsonaro como uma manifestação doméstica, mas para compreender o próprio cenário internacional e a influência dessa nova onda no que tange aos impactos de uma política externa feita por Bolsonaro. \n\nA figura de Ernesto Araújo é um grande exemplo do papel ideológico para o qual a política externa tem se direcionado. Olavete assumido, Ernesto coloca como prioridades o combate ao marxismo cultural e ao Globalismo. Como afirma em seu blog Metapolítica, “quero ajudar o Brasil e o mundo a se libertarem da ideologia globalista.” Como define o mesmo, “Globalismo seria a globalização econômica que passou a ser pilotada pelo marxismo cultural”. Em suma, as teorias em torno do globalismo não são de exclusividade nacional, nem nasceram com Olavo de Carvalho e seus pupilos. Importada de teóricos paleoconservadores norte-americanos, a tese do marxismo cultural surge na década de 1990 como uma forma de reação aos movimentos de transformação da sociedade americana no ambiente dos costumes. Tais transformações causadas por uma conjuntura histórica particular levou a uma tônica combativa que tirava dos conservadores americanos a atenção da já finada ameaça comunista, se focando, portanto, na emergência dos movimentos minoritários e de liberação sexual que já vinham ganhando espaço nos ambientes europeus e norte-americano desde a década de 1960.\n\nWilliam S. Lind, principal proeminente da tese, sistematizou sua construção narrativa em palestra denominada de “Origens do Politicamente Correto”, proferida na American University, em Washington D.C. no ano 2000. Lind afirmava que após o fim da primeira guerra o socialismo soviético teria encontrado barreiras em seu objetivo de Internacionalização. Com isso, surgiram intelectuais, em especial Georg Lukács e Antonio Gramsci, que passaram a defender a tese de que a consciência de classe, tão importante para o despertar do movimento revolucionário e sua expansão, teria encontrado barreiras devido às bases culturais e ideológicas que sustentam o ocidente capitalista, em suma o cristianismo e seus valores costumeiros. A proposta do “novo marxismo” seria, portanto, empreender, nos termos de Gramsci, “uma longa marcha para as instituições”, aparelhando jornais, escolas, igrejas e as instituições culturais em busca de subverter os valores ocidentais e assim abrir espaço para a expansão revolucionária. Mais ainda, essa teoria teria encontrado eco na formação da escola de Frankfurt que formou a tão prestigiada teoria crítica e que, para Lind, seria o braço intelectual de propagação do marxismo cultural no mundo e principalmente na sociedade norte-americana, haja visto que, devido a perseguição nazista, boa parte dos integrantes da escola frankfurtiana se refugiaram nos EUA no contexto da segunda guerra.\n\nA teoria conspiratória começa a ficar mais obscura quando se coloca na equação a noção de um projeto de dominação mundial orquestrado por uma elite internacional de grandes bilionários que teriam o suposto interesse de promover a queda do conceito de Estado Nação em busca de estabelecer uma governança mundial. O marxismo cultural seria, nada mais, do que um braço desse projeto de poder chamado por globalismo. O mesmo globalismo que Ernesto afirma alegadamente ter por objetivo denunciar e confrontar. Essa postura antiglobalista, tendo por base as teorias da conspiração já citadas, se apresenta hoje como um fenômeno internacional que pauta uma das principais contradições da ordem liberal vigente. A ascensão do próprio Bolsonaro se alinha de maneira explícita a emergência de movimentos políticos como o Trumpismo, o Brexit, os movimentos nacionalistas na Polônia, na Hungria, na Turquia e etc. Todos, sem exceção, carregam esse pilar de afirmação de um nacionalismo extremado e um distanciamento das agendas de Internacionalização e interdependência propostas pela ordem liberal. De tal maneira se vê forte confrontação aos organismos internacionais, como ONGS e Organizações Internacionais como a própria ONU, sem contar a constante oposição a conceitos como multiculturalismo e fronteiras abertas.\n\nO fenômeno dos novos nacionalismos carrega em si o reflexo do que pode ser considerado um dos mais pertinentes problemas políticos do século XXI, isto é, a questão da identidade. Já previsto em autores do pós-guerra fria, como Samuel Huntington, a questão identitária vem ao longo das últimas décadas sendo um pilar de sustentação de uma série de questões envolvendo tanto a política doméstica quanto a política externa. Não surpreendentemente toda a problemática em torno do marxismo cultural e antiglobalismo se relaciona diretamente com essas pautas identitárias, haja visto que surgem como reação tanto às políticas de identidade que pautam os movimentos minoritários em ambiente doméstico, quanto ao cosmopolitismo liberal que busca suplantar barreiras ligadas à identidade em busca da criação de um ambiente universalizado. Tal como a esquerda encontra eco na questão identitária na busca de afirmar suas pautas sociais e minoritárias, a direita também capta a questão da identidade na tentativa de reafirmar os valores tradicionais e se opor aos movimentos universalistas que supostamente ameaçam a configuração da soberania clássica que cada vez mais se torna irrelevante. É justamente essa a análise que apresenta o cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama em seu recente “The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment”. \n\nVoltando ao contexto brasileiro, a figura de Olavo de Carvalho ganha o protagonismo no que tange a tradução dessas ideias no cenário nacional. Basta consultar seu artigo para O Globo, de junho de 2002, para que se veja sistematizada toda essa mesma narrativa que hoje impera como política oficial de governo. Não obstante, sendo Ernesto seu discípulo dedicado, também sendo importante notar a participação de Felipe G. Martins como assessor internacional de Jair Bolsonaro e um dos principais proponentes do Olavismo, o antiglobalismo se apresenta como a pauta principal da agenda da nova política externa brasileira. E mais ainda, se torna o único fator minimamente decifrável da mesma, haja visto que toda a proposta em termos de política internacional se traduz em uma bagunça ideológica, na qual não se apresenta de fato um projeto de relevância, como aponta o Diplomata Dr. Paulo Roberto de Almeida, em entrevista ao El País ao ser perguntado sobre como o mesmo analisa a política externa do governo atual: “Difícil fazer uma avaliação sobre o que não existe. Não dispomos, até o momento presente, de nenhuma exposição clara, completa, racional, sobre qual seria essa política externa, até aqui marcada apenas por slogans: luta contra o globalismo, contra o marxismo cultural, contra o multilateralismo, contra o climatismo, o comercialismo, coisas totalmente bizarras, com efeito.” \n\nEm suma, o que se pode conceber das atividades relevantes desenvolvidas até agora no ramo da política externa se concentra em uma aproximação afirmada com os Estados Unidos e Israel, incluindo as ameaças de transição da embaixada de Tel Aviv para Jerusalém e o possível apoio às iniciativas norte-americanas na Venezuela. Entretanto, devido às próprias tensões que imperam o governo, os anseios olavistas têm encontrado barreiras que são fomentadas pela ala militar que, não de hoje, sempre buscou cultivar uma política externa mais pragmática e realista, pois mesmo durante o regime militar é possível encontrar promoção ao multilateralismo, pragmatismo e a uma política externa mais independente. O fato é que, enquanto o olavismo estiver tomando as rédeas do direcionamento da política externa deste governo através da figura de Ernesto e afins, as ambições políticas que visam aproximações bem restritas com grandes potências ocidentais, o afastamento de Estados que representem desalinhamentos ideológicos, tais como a China que é um dos principais parceiros comercias do Brasil, e o anseio antiglobalista de rejeição a interdependência e confrontação aos organismos internacionais se tornará pauta primordial a ser desenvolvida no âmbito das relações internacionais. As consequências disso, só o futuro pode esclarecer.",
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      "permlink": "the-rise-of-alt-right-contemporary-nationalisms-and-the-new-world-order",
      "title": "The Rise of Alt-Right, Contemporary Nationalisms and the New World Order",
      "body": "![GettyImages-830617844-1024x683.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmNYZvQNDhASSD1g39BQZ7oRxGt7Zi41KNziHcmkrp8D4C/GettyImages-830617844-1024x683.jpg)\n\"It has been said that race is a collection of men united not only by their origin but by a common error in the consideration of their origin.\" (Karl Popper)\n\n1| INTRODUCTION\nThe year of 2016 was the scene of one of the most controversial elections that the United States of America witnessed. Donald Trump’s candidacy for the Republican party and, moreover, his unexpected victory, has been the source of a number of controversies and has been a turning point in American politics. In the midst of this scenario, the rise of rotational movements as representatives of the American extreme right wing stands out. Network World Network Trumpere networks out government and represents how groups have open access to express themselves politically within the North American context. However, the phenomenon of the expanding emergence movement is not limited to a state-run attempt to create emerging companies in Europe in the last three years: among them a strong performance by the UK Independence Party (UKIP), British nationalist party as leader of the drive in favor of the victorious Brexit, and the remarkable campaign of Marine Le Pen in France.\n\nIn the midst of such movements, there has been a strong emergence of ideologies that nevertheless appeal to already well-known radical discourses of identity, raised flags such as white nationalism and the defense of the purification of the European people. The resurgence of radical groups linked to nationalist and racialist narratives brings to light the ghosts of the twentieth century. German Nazism and Italian fascism are not, today, concrete threatening realities such as they were in the context of World War II. However, to deny the existence of similar discourses that bring with them remnants of such ideologies, is shown as an alienation of the empirical reality, since the preaching of an identity constituted in the idea of ​​races and the support to reactionary political positions are basic elements of some of emerging groups that are increasingly gaining a voice in political environments and in contemporary public debate. This move is in contrast to the international liberal order established in the post-Cold War period, which brought with it a particularly new reality in the way the international system has been constituted, overcoming a systematic function, but above all creating an environment every time more of interdependence, cooperation and sharing of values ​​that underpin the notion of an International Society. (BULL, 2002)\n![images (17).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmW7VMdZm7wLQthE6VDgwteoS8s3c5GvvopasB7C3Kxbx2/images%20(17).jpeg)\n![images (18).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmYxopAMkTykQ2mzigdPfFtyRHz7HquPne13q4SKV7QH3h/images%20(18).jpeg)\nThe emergence of these groups carries the demonstration that this new world order is threatened by an identity crisis that resurrects the most brutal and irrational ideological feelings as a resentful response to this transition process. Donald Trump’s actions in the presidency have long demonstrated the anti-liberal character of his governance, as treaties and agreements that the United States, one of the main actors (if not the main) in the International System, are part of are neglected by the current President, being an example of problems that put in check the consistency of the liberal institutions before the sovereignty and arbitrary will of the modern State, questioning to what extent the cosmopolitan aspirations that aim at the maximization of the sharing of values ​​and norms in the international environment are able to demonstrate effectiveness.\n\nThis article, therefore, aims to reflect, from the archetype that the American alternative right (Alt-Right) represents with its ideological discourse, on the way in which the new reactionaryism presents itself as a much more encompassing and articulated phenomenon in its diverse manifestations of the as individual and isolated cases, seeking to find the elements that make such historically marginalized and historically demoralized narratives gain a certain reputation in the contemporary public environment, demonstrating how the rise and adherence of these discourses by the masses reflects problems directly related to the destiny of the liberal order and its institutions.\n\nUnderstanding the emergence of the american alternative right proposes here to understand a phenomenon greater than the same, but which has in its essence the most significant possible representation of the problematic pointed out. The Alt-Right is not the only nationalist movement to stand out in the international political arena, as already pointed out, the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union is one of these relevant examples, together with the strong growth of nationalist movements in European countries that dialogue in much to the rise of the new American right and to the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States of America.\n\nThroughout the exposition, this article will therefore be restricted to an analysis of the American movement, with similar analogous movements in Europe, since one of the objectives is, above all, to understand how the alternative right and its speech personify in the highest possible form what such parallel movements also represent in various ways. All of these, however diverse they may be, demonstrate a common bond and act for a particular worldview. It is precisely this world view that needs to be identified in the alternative right discourse.\n\nBeing a dispersed movement, of an almost exclusively new and virtual character, the Alt-Right can not be characterized from a highly articulated and well systematized philosophy. Its repaginated ideology is scarcely found in books and large uniformed treatises. The philosophy on which Alt-Right feeds has its ideological ancestors, its theoretical foundations, but its current face is still being shaped, and is modeled after a dynamic activism, adapted to the mechanisms of the present generation. However, a minimum trace of what is at the heart of the new reactionary movement is possible. In order to do this, it is necessary to identify the main elements that make up his discourse, finding in his ideas the basic points that will serve as a tool for a true understanding of his ascension as a political movement.\n\nAmong these will be a focus on the strong appeal of tribal belonging that governs the nationalist phenomenon; their racial grounds; and the agenda that such a narrative carries in his political discourse. Consequently, the nationalist opposition will be exposed to the cosmopolitan discourse and its strong reaction to the contemporary globalized international system. Finally, it will be analyzed how this new nationalism of opposition to the emergent cosmopolitanism articulates politically and presents itself as a viable and attractive alternative for the masses in the contemporary public debate.\n\n2| ON TRIBALISM\n![images (19).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmXr853oYadVd5zzRBTjEtLyFT1SJLqT19u7ThEWkXCukX/images%20(19).jpeg)\nThe focus on immigration policy is today the most important item on the right-wing alternative agenda. The narrative of an America only for its own and the fight against immigration has been the link of convergence between these groups and the governmental action. The tribal perspective fueled by a notion of races is used as a theoretical justification for american social problems and as the most basic foundation of the alternative right in the propagation of its political discourse. Jared Taylor, one of the leading intellectual representatives of the movement and editor of American Renaissance, argues in his book White Identity, how propagated racial diversity is the cause of the most diverse conflicts found within society, the struggle between races being the basic elements of various issues involving crime (Taylor, 2011).\n\nDonald Trump’s proposal to build a wall along the Mexican border is the embodiment of this immigration policy focused on isolation. For Alt-Right is this element that makes Trump a necessary component for the advancement of propagated ideology. A president who has the courage to counter the status quo and preach a rigid immigration policy is what the alternative right aims for as a way of advancing his ideological project. As Richard Spencer, another leading figure in the movement, President of the National Policy Institute and creator of his own alternative right-wing term, responds to the press about what he and Alt-Right expect about Donald Trump’s performance: \"Obviously the wall (on the border with Mexico) and to be hard on illegal immigration. These are things he has promised and are at the basis of his movement.\"\n\nThe policy of isolationism has been a source of inspiration for political articulations in recent years. The election of Donald Trump and other recent cases cited above, above all, that this sentiment also flourishes among the masses, to the point of giving voice to political movements that are articulated through this social demand. This phenomenon presents itself as a manifestation of the tribal feelings that have always been present throughout human history and which, when confronted in a world of multiple cultural contacts, ends up presenting expected and at the same time unpredictable reactions.\n![images (21).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQma2GAzCrMN7x4jXKCz6MuMCtTNj3qiKyJKD1BAe6TCrMi/images%20(21).jpeg)\n![images (20).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmcZxJKzc4YYWtSS7gUd5jStqZQFZwHdr2vyFCKyCYGWhF/images%20(20).jpeg)\n2.1 - Racial Realism\nThe starting point of the alternative right thought is based on an intellectual tradition already known since the nineteenth century, a tradition that was the basis for several ideologies and systems that propagated the tribalist discourse of a society constituted by races. Racial realism, also known as scientific racism or racialism, presents a narrative, first of all, of an intellectual character. Present in works of authors like Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, among others, the idea consists in the affirmation of the race as a real and highly relevant factor in the development of the human being as such, as far as its biological and social identity is concerned. This theory, however, has lost ground in the scientific environment and today is considered as disqualified in the way it seeks to conceptualize the idea of ​​a racial identity as a naturally determining factor in the life of the individual.\n\nEven though its status is downgraded to pseudo-science, the naturalist and deterministic idea of ​​the race still shows itself to be deeply rooted in certain contemporary discourses, and yet its concept is sometimes evoked as legitimately scientific. It is what can be noticed in the narrative that governs the ideology of Alt-Right; racial realism is assiduously used as the foundation of the quest for a white identity, as argued by Jared Taylor, \"the prevailing view in the media and in some academic settings is that race can not be legitimated even as a biological category [...]This view ignores the broad scope of scientific work that suggests race and ethnic consciousness as rooted in human psychology.\"(TAYLOR, 2011, p.81)\n\nFor the alternative right, race is an undeniable fact, such an element is what composes the social order and, therefore, must be the one by which the bases of a political activity are established. Race, moreover, not only divides humans biologically, but is the source of social behaviors and habits that are associated with the racial factor in such a way that the defense of white supremacy is present insofar as discourse of safeguarding the allegedly intrinsically white virtues that constitute the civilizational ideal are designated as elements of racial identity itself, as Richard Spencer expressed by associating concepts such as power, strength, beauty and attitude to European racial identity.\n\n2.2 - The Ethnic State\nThe ideological political proposition that Alt-Right brings is explicitly what is conceptualized as an ethnic state. As for the adherents of the movement, community relations must be founded on the basis of the blood link and therefore racial, the political structure of a society must also be based on the concept of races. In short, the state becomes the embodiment of a personified racial power. To the alternative right, the creation of a state for whites is the simple updating of US origins, as Richard Spencer says,\n\n\"The United States was definitely an ethnic state.\" One of the first legal documents, the immigration act of 1790, immigration to the US only for white people.This country has effectively been defined by the breed from its inception. \" (Verbal Information). The discourse of races turns out to be not only a discourse of reaction or revolt, but an established political project and its roots are common to past past totalitarianisms of which mankind has had the displeasure to witness ascension. A political project based on race is necessarily dependent on a restructuring of the state structure. The ideology of the new tribalism thus finds an echo in political manifestations that also evoked the same principles, as Karl Popper demonstrates in his analysis of tribalism in the twentieth century, \"According to modern totalitarian doctrines, the state as such is not the the highest aim of a race or nation is to form a powerful state, which can serve as a powerful instrument. of their self-preservation. \"(POPPER, 1987, p.70)\n\nThus, the supremacist militancy consists in giving rise to a collective consciousness that will bring to the individual his notion of belonging to a community. As Spencer says, \"creating a European-American consciousness. This is my life goal. \"This psychology of appeal to an awakening of a community consciousness is also echoed in the German Nazi mentality. Hitler thought that recognition of the blood link has as its ultimate goal the awakening of an individual conscience towards his race.\" (HITLER, 2016)\n![images (22).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmc1WdHQxnFNLccwsihFdpQtbbNu3sCaoXAUDT7DufKVVo/images%20(22).jpeg)\nFor Spencer, this is the ideology that moves his ideology. His projection, even if not concrete, is a revolutionary dream. The projection of a racial community bond guides the reactionary minds and moves activists toward the aspiration of a society divided in color and makes the alternative right an ideological update for the affirmation of a white and European identity to the detriment of other ethnicities.\n\n2.2.1 - Blood and Soil\nThe ideal of a society organized from a conception of races is not new and has its foundation in the myth of Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil) that was used by the already cited Hitler as an expression of its supremacist ideology. Blood refers to the blood connection between peoples, the soil to the ancestral settlement in a given geographical context. Karl Popper (1987), shows how the myth of Blood and Soil is a fraudulent product of Hegelian Idealism, which for Popper is the father of the totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century. The notion of \"Spirit\" is replaced as in Marxism by a material element, however, whereas for Marx matter is constituted in production, in racialist ideology, spirit is blood - race (Popper, 1987). This same motto is used as a foundation for the tribal aspirations of the American movement. However, reducing the Alt-Right phenomenon to an exact replica of German Nazism would be a reductionist mistake. As Richard Spencer states, \"no, we do not want to reproduce Nazi Germany. This is a movement from the past that does not help us and is not going anywhere.”\n\nThe new supremacist tribalism emphasizes its political advantage precisely because it is an up-to-date movement, adapted to the platforms and problems of the 21st century, seeking to project its reactionary essence from a youthful and revolutionary idealism. One of its characteristics is the engagement through social networks: the use of forums, blogs and virtual interactions through memes, makes the project to build a state for the white race, where the common good as a protection of the race and its \"Civilization\", aligned with an idealistic, jovial and harmless preaching is one of the reasons for the strong engagement that Alt-Right can embrace. This discourse carried by a reactionary and historically violent ideology with clear antecedents in what concerns its ideas, has become a tool of revolt and dissatisfaction against a current political establishment.\n\nRace, as a factor first and foremost that appeals to an imaginary element, becomes a highly attractive aspect in the impetus of affirmation of identity and ends up being an instrument for explaining the supposed political and social problems that exist. The myth of blood and soil is a radical expression of the identity appeal existing in human relations, and when there is a vacuum in the face of such a demand, identity becomes the center of the incessant search for ideologies, to the point of raising extreme clamor that says to present the answers to the moment of crisis. The identity factor has become an increasingly delicate and inflamed element in the most diverse contemporary political debates, the problem that is evident is that if there is so much a search for identity, it is concluded that there is lack of it. The individual, as a social being, has found this void in the way of dealing with community belonging. Neo-tribalism thus reveals the inevitable consequences of this identity problem. His ascension, however, is renewed, for as long as it has its foundations linked to the experiences already lived in history, its methods and discourses are updated, bringing a new face, new enemies and a new way of doing politics.\n\n3| ON COSMOPOLITISM\n![2000px-Flag_of_the_United_Nations.svg_.png](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmVfNNLApUao7J9PZGNzceVmtVMco74whnUj1CB5CgnsdD/2000px-Flag_of_the_United_Nations.svg_.png)\nThe end of the twentieth century is marked by the initial embodiment of a new aspiration in shaping relations between states. The wars that led to this period was marked by a realistic perception of the world. Two major wars beyond the notorious cold war eventually marginalized the liberal proposals of a cooperative and harmonious society. However, the post-war period in line with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the world dichotomy that made the world a stage of threatening tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union was responsible for developing a would be established in the 21st century. The capitalist world was victorious, the liberal state and bourgeois democracy supplanted its enemies.\n\nThe consequences of the triumph of capitalism and the defeat of totalitarian nationalisms were the most varied: Globalization, accentuation of international agreements and treaties aimed at cooperation, focus on the expansion of Human Rights, creation of free trade economic blocs, in addition to the singular multipolar and multicivilizational interaction never seen before in history (HUNTINGTON, 1997) along with other elements that follow a common characteristic point - a cosmopolitan view of the world.\n\nDue to the traumatic experiences of the past century, the focus on cooperation and internationalization of relations was no longer a simple idealistic aspiration and it became a forceful alternative to a world that tried to find more sophisticated answers to the demands of sovereign states in the quest for hegemony. Nationalism and its usefulness as organizer of the social bond came to be questioned, as the philosopher Sir Roger Scruton points out, \"at a time when peace was established after 1945, with Germany in ruins and the Eastern European states under rigid Soviet control, a kind of consensus emerged among the new political class - a category that was tasked with rebuilding nations defeated By this consensus, Europe was torn apart by nationalism, and the future of the continent could only be secured if national loyalties, which provoked so much belligerence, were quietly and discreetly replaced by something else.\"(SCRUTON, 2016, 56)\n\nAt the turn of the century this discourse was gaining more and more form and the proposal of which Kant refers (2008) of a perpetual peace that would be constituted from a federation of States, where the preservation of national sovereignty would still exist, but being submitted in a manner consensual, through the use of reason, to a universal common good, has never been so close and its propagation has never been so elevated by an optimistic feeling that sees in the future the possibility of an international system increasingly closer to progress and the much desired peace. Following the failure of the League of Nations, evidenced by the rise of World War II, the United Nations Organization (UNO) presents itself as a more articulated, updated and consistent alternative in the way it establishes the sustainability of its institutions. The individual as an identity element applied to all men is being taken more and more literally. The Human Rights proposal highlights this characteristic universal element that has been implemented. In today’s world being an individual, in theory, tends to be a status of greater significance than being Brazilian, British, Canadian, Argentine or American.\n![images (23).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmdzDsGo412kQKsq4YsAHCEwdbx7mULRM4Y6m6BpdNhVpY/images%20(23).jpeg)\nThe notion of an inherent right to each individual by the simple fact of the existence of personality clearly evokes the attempt to establish a universal notion of being human. Human rights are not limited to borders and to particular elements such as ethnicity, culture, religion, sexuality, gender and the like. Its application is considered as convenient and, moreover, necessary for every individual to guarantee the very dignity of the human person.\n\nThe applicability of this right is surrounded by a series of controversies regarding its legitimacy. However, it does not fit here a legal discussion regarding the problems surrounding the barriers that it encounters. What should be noted is that its existence as an ideal to be achieved represents concretely and positively the increasingly developed consolidation of a universal conception of identity against a social modulation built through national identity. Its aspirations date back to ancient times, such as the French Revolution of the eighteenth century, however, its normative structure was effectively developed in the last century and its expansion is one of the most characteristic aspects of the world today in its search for the universal individual.\n\n3.1 - The Antiglobalism\nIn the midst of this increasingly universalistic and multicultural world, various questions about the capacity for concreteness in relation to liberal ideals are raised. The idea of ​​the universal man is confronted as the particularities that individuals nourish in their characteristics and ways of living show elements highly related to the context in which they inhabit. Cultural, religious and social divergences are capable of shaping the way man, a social being, sees reality itself, adapting to it from its experience.\n\nThis assertion of a cultural identity versus the attempt to formulate a universalized individual becomes a structuring tool for what may be called a kind of conspiracy political theory - Globalism: the term, which has several variants and a polysemic character, is used here for the sake of a specific ideological narrative, the narrative that the great world corporations dominated by progressive revolutionary ideals intend to disorganize the Western world and the power of sovereign states, aiming at the creation of a World State and the implementation of a new order. More precisely, Globalism would be \"like a set of global and international bodies [...] dominated by bureaucrats who want to establish a single system around the world\" (Verbal Information),\nas Richard Spencer puts it. \n\nThe narrative of Globalism is not exclusive to the American alternative right. The movement around Brexit, contrary to the European Union, which is seen as one of the arms of the Globalist ideology, has in its position a strong reaction to the idea of ​​a political project that goes against the values ​​of national sovereignty. Nigel Farage, one of the leading leaders of the Brexit movement in a debate on Globalism vs. Nationalism organized by Wall Street News, argues: \"This 2016 revolution is something that will be studied for centuries, because something happened in 2016 and was the rebirth of the concept of national state, and for decades, what they were trying to do was to build new artificial forces of supra-national structures. \"(Verbal Information)\n\nIt is here that the Alt-Right phenomenon is conjectured as something that goes beyond the limits of the particularities of American politics. One can not compare with total equivalence diverse movements, such as Brexit, Alt-Right and other emerging nationalisms. Each one of them has its peculiarities, they are guided by historical elements of each context and have different political contents in several questions. However, in order to understand the explosive rise of the American movement even with its most controversial agendas, it is necessary to understand the discourse that makes such a movement have some kind of appeal to the common public. Racism, white supremacy and neo-Nazism are not new elements in the American political context, movements such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) already militate in favor of a white identity long before this new right to think about doing so. The historical motives that lead to the emergence of such movements are diverse and proper to the formation of the United States of America.\n\nAlt-Right’s growing fame does not represent a mass adherence to these discourses already present in American society. The elementary point in this work is to reflect precisely on how a movement that preaches such old and at the same time marginalized ideas began to have such a rise, to the point of influencing significantly the presidential election and dialoguing even with those who do not aim or adopt a racialist ideology.\n![images (27).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmfETvB8r1w7K8QxefiL4j8XdovK5jwxs1Gaq6im7pBBFm/images%20(27).jpeg)\nThe fight against Globalism and the affirmation of the national state in search of an identity in the face of the advances of a cosmopolitan conception of the world have been proving a plural phenomenon in several countries through several distinct movements and is a basic element in the understanding of the Alt-Right phenomenon. The alternative right makes a chorus to this narrative that is becoming more popular. His rise does not represent, in fact, a mass conversion of supremacist ideas, but a general longing for a politics of identity and representation in the face of the changes of contemporary society.\n\nWhat unites such movements and connects them to the people, making them elect a candidate, and win referendums, is the common enemy. The enemy to be defeated tends to be the most important element in the construction of an ideology: the bourgeoisie for socialism, the Jew for Nazism and, in this case, the \"new world order\" that can give voice to even the most reactionary postures. As Samuel Huntington points out, \"enemies are essential to peoples who are seeking their identity and reinventing their ethnicity\" (Huntington, 1997, 8).\n\nAround this enemy is revealed where the source of the force of such movements comes from. It is, above all, a cry of identity warfare. As the candidate Marine Le Pen, one of the representatives of the anti-EU movement in France said, \"the time has come to defeat the globalists.\" The uprising of such ideologies demonstrates, above all, a cry for identity. In an increasingly plural and multicultural world, the affirmation of identity has become an instrument capable of evoking the most extreme ideologies.\n\n3.2 - The Overcoming of Conservatism\nOne of the main features of the alternative right’s political action, and in this is the very terminology of the expression \"alternative\" associated with the movement, is its opposition to the conservative expressions currently designated as \"mainstream\" or belonging to the establishment. The narrative that traditional republican conservatism (the prevailing right) is no longer able to respond to the yearnings of the people, is one of the basic elements in the construction of Alt-Right’s discourse.\n\n\"Conservatives no longer try to conserve what is most important: their own people,\" argues Jared Taylor. The alternative right presents itself as the true, new redemptive right that rescues an effective political expression as opposed to a so-called corrupted and sold conservatism. Here there is clear internal opposition within the political movements on the right. The same phenomenon is also reflected in Brexit’s progress: the rise of a right-wing party opposing not only traditional left-wing political opponents, but presenting itself as an alternative to prevailing conservatism can also be perceived in the position of the Conservative Party the referendum. The issue was not unanimity and was not part of the party’s official agenda as such, evidence of this is that the then prime minister, David Cameron, active at the time of the referendum and a member of the Conservative Party, was strongly in favor of the European Union. The ideological performance in opposition to the European bloc was carried out by another party, the UKIP, which already had on its agenda the preaching of the independence of the United Kingdom as flagship.\n\nIn this resurgence of nationalism vis-a-vis the world of interdependence, the narrative of the alternative right and its equivalents is that traditional conservatism is no longer sufficient in the positioning against globalist ideology, being just another contributor of such interests. A new right is needed. An alternative right, which will rescue the values ​​that must be cultivated for the keeping of civilization.\n\nTo conceptualize conservatism is in itself an arduous task and perhaps even incapable of being realized in a definitive way. The ideal, as proposed by João Pereira Coutinho (2014), is to think of conservatism in the plural, understanding the conservative political expression as a heterogeneous phenomenon and quite broad, which often ends up designating even self- excluding This is evidenced by the Alt-Right phenomenon and its opposition to the traditional American right, a narrative that is posited by many as conservative and at the same time opposes the conservative expressions present.\n\nIt is precisely this that makes Donald Trump the most representative figure of this movement even though he is not directly attached to it: his candidacy was highly rejected by the Republican Party, strong names within American conservatism in its various aspects such as Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio were much better alternatives within the party structure. Trump was dismissed for both his improbability of victory and his stance and very controversial stance toward the traditional candidates. In an article for Politico Magazine, Yuval Levin, writes about how conservatives lost the GOP with Donald Trump’s victory: \"To put it mildly, this electoral cycle has revealed grave flaws and weaknesses on the right, and the Republican Party will be working to but for conservatives - I mean those who advocate some version of the difficult balance of traditionalism in the moral arena, market mechanisms to address our economic challenges, and the American force in a dangerous world, all ruled by a constitutionalism of limited government - these sad lessons of the year, we are afraid of a comprehensive implication: we can no longer treat the Republican Party simply as our own.\"\n\n3.2.1 - The Trump Phenomenon\n![images (25).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmXoUEk5Gk3YUXEkq99JiAVMsQ4vpbzQ4JgUNViWj2VxNh/images%20(25).jpeg)\nThe election of Donald Trump demonstrates the relevance and personifies this rise of the alternative right in the American political scene and his anti-globalist discourse. Donald Trump can not be considered a declared member of the movement, at times he tries to dissociate his image from such groups. Speaking to the press, Trump said, \"It’s not a group I want to encourage. And if they are motivated, I want to investigate this and know the reason. \" Trump’s approach to Alt-Right is a more complex phenomenon than it appears to be. In sum, Trump’s election is more the reflection of political sentiments that are being revoked by the masses than a rational and articulated projection of a particular political movement.\n\nDonald Trump and Alt-Right represent the same sentiment, but their respective emergencies have their peculiarities. However, what unites them does not fail to be explicit: the strong search for affirmation of American sovereignty and an opposition to the current political structure makes Trump the political representative of this widespread sentiment. In such a way the candidacy of Donald Trump was deeply supported and encouraged by the groups of the alternative right, because with its polemical, sometimes aggressive stance and its anti-immigration agenda calling for a more isolationist political action, the current president eventually entered aligned with the ideals propagated by Alt-Right activists.\n\nThe support of such a move to Trump is thus a sort of opportunism: Trump is more a tool for the Alt-Right than a representative, and the opposite is also supported; Trump does not prove himself a supremacist ideologue, but he does not stop surfing on that speech in his way of doing politics.\n\nIn short, Donald Trump and Alt-Right go hand in hand as lively alternatives to the left and to the traditional North American right. The goal in emphasizing his peculiar personality and posture is a tool used by Alt-Right to foment opposition to republican conservatism and to become a viable political alternative of representation against the political establishment. When confronted by traditional voters about his distinctive stance, Trump replied, \"This is the Republican Party. Not the Conservative Party.\" For Alt-Right, this sounds like music because it represents an opening to an increasingly radical discourse as a viable political alternative within the American institutional structure. And it is in this sense that Trump becomes an important piece for the movement and personifies the rise of tribalist ideology. \"Save Trump, save the victory, save our people,\" said Richard Spencer.\n\nThe Trump phenomenon is the face of much deeper and more dangerous political feelings, it is not in itself the representation of such a movement, but it brings with it the feeling that causes the Alt-Right to have a voice, and makes the link between power and the ideological threats that new reactionaryism encompasses in its narrative, possible.\n\n4| CONCLUSION\nThe 21st century is experiencing the consequences of an ongoing process of transformation of political and international relations. The globalized, increasingly interdependent and connected world has awakened a trend increasingly directed towards the unification of identity. However, the universalist liberal ideal is confronted by the inability to promote representativeness before the most diverse cultural identities. Man, as a social being, depends and calls for a bond of union that identifies him and makes him coexist in a minimally peaceful way with the one who is by his side, on a daily basis. As Scruton puts it,\n\"Opposition, disagreement, free manifestation, and the conciliatory solution as a rule all presuppose a common identity. There has to be a plural first person, a\" we, \"if the many individuals exist to stay together, accepting the opinions and wishes of others, regardless of differences. \" (SCRUTON, 2016, page 58)\n\nIn practice, the society increasingly open and disconnected from cultural elements that are present in the affirmation of nationality, has generated fears, conflicts and are putting universalist aspirations in check. The appeal to a strong and radical affirmation of identity is an answer to this cosmopolitan transformation, in such a way that it opens space for the most diverse and extravagant ideologies. Apart from an ideological war, it is possible to conceive of an identity conflict, highlighting the failure of cosmopolitanism.\n\nThe energetic rise of various nationalist groups around the globe, present in the Alt-Right phenomenon and its racialist ideology repaginated by an attractive political expression and adapted to the contemporary platforms, represents one of the most radical expressions that the search for an identity and a appeal to mass-union is capable of producing, to the point that an \"abstract\" nationality by itself is no longer the only point of affirmation, and even the race is a form of appeal to identity capable of gaining a voice in public debate. In the post-Cold War world, the most important distinctions are not ideological, political, and economic: they are cultural. peoples and nations are trying to answer the most basic question that human beings can face: who are we? And they are answering that question in the way they have traditionally responded to it - referring to the things that matter most to them. as well as in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs and institutions. (HUNTINGTON, 1997, p.20)\n\nHuntington’s analysis of the emergence of the identitary and cultural aspect that would occur to the point of taking center stage in the main conflicts in the present century has been increasingly sensible and relevant to the debate about understanding contemporary crises. From Islamic terrorism to immigration issues, it is clear that ethnic and cultural elements have been the preferred refuge of those who seek their own identity. The universalist attempt which the West has been attempting to produce thus finds its greatest obstacle - that is, a vast number of habits, customs, and cultural aspects which involve human relations in their respective environments.\n\nIt is evident, however, that the aspirations that surround cultivation to the legislated cooperation of the relations between the States is an important step in the attempt to establish means for the maintenance of the order in the international system, as Scruton points out, \"The truth in the internationalism is that the Sovereign states are legal entities and must negotiate among themselves through a system of rights, duties, obligations and responsibilities: in other words, through the\n\"calculation of rights and duties\". voluntary agreements that have a binding force by law, and such pacts should be binding on consecutive governments, just as a law firm contract binds successive directors.To make such agreements possible, states must be sovereign - that is, able to decide the issues themselves - and also be willing to forgo the powers for these entities international agreements and the law governing them.\"(SCRUTON, 2016, p. 163)\n\nThe search for universalized cooperative relationships is one of the greatest legacies that the contemporary world has built, but the negation of the limits that such aspirations possess will tend to leverage more and more the elementary problems that have emerged in the last centuries and among them , the strong rise of a new tribalism as a radical and even dangerous response to current crises. This element demonstrates the failure of the Western enterprise to try to establish its project of cultural universalization (HUNTINGTON, 1997).\n\nFinally, it is understood that the basilar point in the understanding of the emergence of such atypical and marginalized political narratives will gain such expression in the public debate, it is a phenomenon much more extensive and problematic than it appears to be. The rise of the Alt-Right and the new contemporary tribalisms is the inevitable consequence of an identity crisis that can not find in the cosmopolitan promises an element of civilizational support in such a way that even the most primitive of discourses becomes an attractive alternative in search for the movement of the masses, explaining not only the energetic emergence of the American movement, but also the whole wave of national identity and identity that has gained a voice in recent years.\n\nVictor Oliveira is a Student of International Relations, Writer and Film Critic \n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBULL, Hedley. The Anarchic Society: a study of the world political order. São Paulo: ed. University of Brasília, 2002.\n\nCABRERA - Michaela - France’s Le Pen says the EU will die, globalists to be defeated - https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-election-le-pen-euro-idUSKBN16X0FO - accessed on: June 28 2018.\n\nCOUTINHO, João Pereira. As Ideias Conservadoras:explicadas a revolucionários e reacionários. São Paulo: ed. Três Estrelas, 2014.\n\nStatement by Nigel Farage at a debate at the University of Maryland, Whasington DC, April 2018.\n\nStatement by Richard Spencer in a lecture given at the University of Florida, Florida, in October, 2017.\n\nRichard Spencer delivered a speech at the National Policy Institute, Virginia, in November 2016.\n\nRichard Spencer delivered a speech at the National Policy Institute, Virginia, in November 2016.\n\nStatement by Richard Spencer in a speech given in September 2017.\n\nFAUS, Joan - Trump tries to distance himself from the racist right that supports him: \"I repudiate and condemn you\" - https://rapidshare.com/info/ June 23rd.\n\nHITLER, Adolf. Minha Keinf. Brazil: ed. Centauro, 2001.\n\nHUNTINGTON, Samuel. The Clash of Civilizations: and the recomposition of the world order. Brazil: ed. Starting Point, 1997.\n\nKANT, Immanuel. Perpetual Peace: a philosophical project. Brazil: ed. University of Beira Interior Covilhã, 2008.\n\nLEVIN - Yuval - How Conservatives Lost the GOP - http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/09/conservatives-lost-republican-party-yuval-levin-2016-214228 - access on: June 23 .\n\nLISSARDY - Gerardo - It was a moment of irony ': white supremacist leader explains' Hail, Trump' greeting to US president-elect - 2016 - https://www.bbc.com/english/international-38091016 - access on 24 June.\n\nPOPPER, Sir Karl R. The Open Society and Its Enemies: volume 2. Belo Horizonte: ed. Itatiaia, 1974.\n\nRUTZ - David - Trump: This Is the Republican Party, it’s Not Called the Conservative Party - http://freebeacon.com/politics/trump-republican-party-not-called-conservative-party/ - accessed on: July 17 2018.\n\nSCRUTON, Sir Roger. How to Be a Conservative, Brazil: ed. Record, 2015.\n\nTAYLOR - Jared - What is the Alt-Right? - https://www.amren.com/news/2016/10/what-is-the-alt-right-jared-taylor/ - access on: June 28, 2018.\n\nTAYLOR, Jared. White Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century. USA. New Century Books, 2011.\n\nArticle also published on: https://medium.com/@victoroliver/neotribalism-28b1735e9e9a",
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      "permlink": "american-history-x-the-concept-of-state-and-ethnic-conflicts",
      "title": "American History X - The Concept of State and Ethnic Conflicts",
      "body": "![1_XRkuSmpWTh0MUwMADF-IaA.jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmNy1DZCTAp13szonoXNbsdtoYT7KG4KAFS4e6N1MZoaNf/1_XRkuSmpWTh0MUwMADF-IaA.jpeg)\nSet in the United States, the film focuses on the lives of Derek Vinyard (Edward Norton) and Danny Vinyard (Edward Furlong) in the underground drama of the American gangs and establishes their narrative within the conflict between neo-Nazis and black community groups. Using a dual narrative feature, director Tony Kaye explores the story of Derek and his journey as a white supremacist through the eyes of his brother, Danny, who tells his story while writing a school essay entitled American History X that gives name to the long one in the original).\n\nIn his aesthetic choices, Tony Kaye appeals to the screen feature in black and white to distinguish the past narrated by Danny from the present where Danny is not regarded as the narrator of his brother’s story, but the main focus of the narrative exposing the conflicts between the young man in the environment that was exposed and how his brother, changed after his experience in prison (the consequence of having murdered two black men), tries to collaborate so that Danny does not end up having the same future. And on such a journey, Avery Brooks' character, Dr. Bob Sweeney, one of the teachers (black - this detail is relevant) of the school where Danny studies, appears as a collaborator in trying to demonstrate to Danny, by confronting him with story of his brother, the consequences of the choices he made.\n![1_FGBeFjbcALWet5AJcxyqLA (1).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmV7CowiSUczjWfRaHjnM8xfeXGmr2tW8NbKmwdL8sjxsm/1_FGBeFjbcALWet5AJcxyqLA%20(1).jpeg)\nIn addition to being effective in its dramatic execution, relying on the screenplay by David McKenna does a beautiful job in building the characters and how they can humanize and make the viewer cling to and care for such controversial characters - not to use other terms - the film can excellently expose, in noises of a bitter reality, the problem of racial disputes in North American soil. As an object of fictitious analysis, The Other American History (American History X) manages to transport the viewer beyond a drama of fiction and, in a solid way, explores concepts that touch at the heart of the formation of the United States as a State and as its history is presented as a basis for the racial problems that existed in the year of launching the show (1998), and which undoubtedly are present to this day.\n\nIf there is a scene that best represents the problem of racial disputes, it is the basketball court scene, where a discussion arises in the midst of an apparent innocent match between a skinheads gang and other characters, black community, a conflict of power establishment is established. With nerves changed, both sides decide to make an agreement where after a match the winning group becomes \"owner\" of the space, there being no longer the permission for the rival group to access the place. In a context of sport conflict and micro consequence, the narrative exposes in detail the American history and how it has been the relations between the different ethnic groups since the formation of the American State.\n![1_0g6RqguJ10rPCqhi5ug68w (1).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmVWZSRw9L1f7kSL9pgi2LQsk5Z2HmzYhA49n5thRj5AGs/1_0g6RqguJ10rPCqhi5ug68w%20(1).jpeg)\n![1_s9gzRF69F768kKV_BZokjw (1).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmPGQgzuiw5noa3x7bNJPu1eTYmBgJSwVVAC9zNrcnSuYr/1_s9gzRF69F768kKV_BZokjw%20(1).jpeg)\n![1_ixCHqLZLzxsGqFLJ3bjMCQ (1).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmVg6ErGHF8xmfqBQ7BCzPM2TYj2uRg9Ng44PeiKq1XJgL/1_ixCHqLZLzxsGqFLJ3bjMCQ%20(1).jpeg)\nBy invoking basic concepts about the definition of the State, characteristics such as sovereignty are manifested; the territory; the people; and the purposes of the State. Defining each of these characteristics requires careful and patient work in exploring all the details and controversies surrounding the issue, something Dalmo Dallari seeks to do in his book \"Elements of General Theory of State.\" However, looking at these concepts may be of great use in understanding the gravity and depth that The Other American History explores in its narrative, whether in a meager basketball game or in the direct killings and conflicts between the characters in the narrative.\n\nReturning to using the well-known scene as an iconic example of the film, we see in this conflict that the representation of the magnitude of racial conflicts around the American state can even be considered on a \"soft\" scale: in the beginning, it is enough to analyze the strong emphasis on the notion domain over the established space. In this context, we make the parallel with the notion of territory and sovereignty, where the space of the block ceases to represent a common entertainment environment and becomes the representation of a political domain of one ethnic group over the other, something that even reverberates in the supremacist mentality of neo-Nazi groups who in their narratives emphasize a superiority that gives them the legitimate right to belong to the territory and with it the privilege of having the best jobs and the best social conditions, because, after all, for them, that place it belongs to them, who out of sight is nothing more than an intruder taking the space that already has owner.\n\nThis notion of belonging to one group and rejection of another demonstrates the North American drama of dealing with an antagonism between the people themselves, a drama that has its genesis constituted in the very conception of the formation of the United States as a country, since relations between whites and blacks are consequences of years of slavery. Dallari, in his book, emphasizes the notion of people as the individual’s belonging to the state, conceptualizing the citizen, who is both part of this state and executor of his actions, as submitted to it (do not confuse here people with population, who would be nothing more than the number of individuals present in the territory, but who do not necessarily have a relation of belonging to the sovereign state in the same territory).\n\nThe problem of racial disputes varies so much between a dispute between peoples belonging to a direct relationship with the State, since the American man is not only white but also many native blacks and others who belong to different ethnic groups but who establish a relation of citizenship, as well as a dispute against immigrant individuals who represent only the concept of population. But in order to focus here on the problematic most emphasized by the film, it is possible to emphasize the fact that the United States, formed upon an imaginary ideal of plurality, ends up not being able to promote to its people a unique feeling of nation, Is America in White the Same America as Black?\n![1_QZBc5ojiIjaKGCBkqlzlMw (1).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmfR7LHrsCdbk8XpfjFu4YQ7ZdBmmRoXPgjRBSV31cDLKi/1_QZBc5ojiIjaKGCBkqlzlMw%20(1).jpeg)\n![1_P0ewZPhyvSq10Pfe_glpnw (1).png](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmRfjNE7wfzg7joWVGvtkPoVEv9Mx7QnKg35Xa9Zm2RaxM/1_P0ewZPhyvSq10Pfe_glpnw%20(1).png)\nStill using Dallari, we understand that nation constitutes a community founded on historical and cultural ties that are linked through a social affection and an identity of belonging, independently of legal ties. The problem is sustained when there is just a nation divided as a nation. The dichotomy between these communities ends up creating an internal conflict that disfigures the image of a United States capable of representing the interests of its people, and all this is due to the formation of a state that has failed to establish harmonious conviviality among its people, since his birth is due to the exploitation of part of his people. The American State fails to provide the basic purpose it should provide for its purpose: the notion of the common good formulated by Pope John XXIII, which basically consists in promoting the self-government of individuals belonging to the State (citizens) to seek, in their various their own interests.\n\n2019, 21st century, and it can still be said that the game of basketball seems more heated than ever. The narrative of an exclusive membership of American territory still echoes in the minds of many representatives of the white population, see the case of Charlottesville, and the atmosphere of conflict and antoginism that does not seem to see its end. The internationalist, political scientist and economist Samuel Huntington argues in his book \"The Clash of Civilizations\" the idea that the origin of post-war conflicts would be present in the dispute between different civilizations and cultural identities. Far from me the idea of ​​wanting to say here whether his controversial thesis is correct or not, I would point out, however, that, first and foremost, American History X demonstrates in an internal and everyday context a painful and bitter conflict of \"civilizations\".\n\nArticle also published on: https://medium.com/@victoroliver/american-history-x-c3b2289346a",
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      "body": "![images (10).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmYHVcGxbyWSMMKuiqBkonTc3iY9Pm8GFuoSYdAJTkRaXU/images%20(10).jpeg)\nGiving procedure to the plot of Greendale's little witch, the second season of Chilling Adventures of Sabrina (Netflix) completely disregards her predecessor, and not in a positive way. Focusing on Sabrina's life after she signed the book of the beasts, the series begins by exploring the consequences of Sabrina's estrangement from her mortal life and her greater engagement with her witch side. This is made explicit as her relationship with his mortal friends prove to be conflicted by building one of the likely worst plots of the season, which is hard to judge. His former love partner, Harvey, as well as remaining a completely indispensable and undeveloped character, is engaged in a completely unexpected romantic relationship and at the same time cliché with Rosalinda, another character who is lazily worked in the exploration of his bow in relation to blindness.\n\nAnd laziness is not something rare to find in history: the plot of Theo, the former Susie, for example, is one of the greatest demonstrations of lazy development, as its conflict around gender identity is constructed in an extremely played way , without giving the character a reasonable development time around the issue. To make clear the level of mediocrity: Susie's transition to Theo simply takes place after a basketball game, in which Susie, struggling to be accepted on the team and taking help from Sabrina for this, decides that her name is Theo from there on. There is no concern to deepen the development of Theo's new identity, the way the scene is worked out ultimately trivializes the personal conflict of the character that followed a more careful path would have explored his bow much more sophisticated and convincing, something that the scenes played and random that the script gives to the character ends up not coming nor near to deliver.\n![images (11).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmdPvQNDBMrB8HEqbRzYyCi52sssE7t8tHoN85ycJ19ZeJ/images%20(11).jpeg)\nLeaving aside mortal conflicts and returning to the problems of the witch world, where there is the true expectation around the story, the deception is blatant, the motive is simple and is the main problem of the whole season: there isn't an established story, a major plot, a major problem. From the first to the fifth episode the series focuses on less relevant subplots that do not lead to any place and simply repeat the already exceeded drama of Sabrina's dilemma around her moral conflict, as we see in the episode in which Sabrina is tempted by Satan to steal a chewing gum. The narrative's preoccupation is tied to an attempt to establish Satan's darker and obscure plans for the main character and gets lost by not giving an enlightened motivation plot to the character herself.\n![CAS_113_Unit_00542R-bba9a85.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmeDkQQB3Jm8vEwNhoXqfa3jsdmhJd1bw2jFwYnTAFwEyM/CAS_113_Unit_00542R-bba9a85.jpg)\nThings begin to change after the fifth episode in which High Priest Faustus Blackwood is definitively established as a main villain, and connections as to his controversial actions begin to be explored. As a villain, Faustus is one of the good points of the season: he transmits a sense of threat and a clear motivation, not to mention the excellent performance of Richard Coyle, who has been able since the first season to work well on the exaggerated caricature of his character, while demonstrate organic elements to their performance. Another well-crafted character is Sabrina's new romantic couple. Unlike a number of other characters that are deconstructed or poorly worked this season, Nicholas has a consistent development and in sync with what has been worked on the character since his introduction. His relationship with Sabrina, his idealistic yearnings and at the same time his overbearing behavior are all relevant elements in the plot.\n![images (13).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmNZxcAACurL1qakXSr1jiN5K4Ddz6VhAhNixY2bTffns5/images%20(13).jpeg)\n![images (12).jpeg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmPv2LzSxdugY813JFAjZXKzr4PWgD7KGcP8C2vWiHCbCv/images%20(12).jpeg)\nGiving room for more positive points can not fail to mention the characters of Miranda Otto and Lucy Davis, the aunts of Sabrina, who since the beginning season give a show of interpretation and charisma. The two characters prove extremely relevant to the plot and go through important developments that contribute to the story. Another outstanding character is the leader of the Strange Sisters, Prudence, who has a better established plot, having a direct relationship with the development of Faustus' antagonism. However, the set-up does not last long, since the established villain is set aside in order to give space for the role of Satan in the main problem of the season, which could give the spectator an interesting experience, if was not done in an extremely precocious way and without any planning.\n\nFrom the first season Sabrina's confrontation with the figure of the lord of the dark is an element worked and even very well constructed as it explores the moral discussion present in the series. But, the feeling was that this would be the general and final journey by which history would be guided. However, in a sudden change of plans you are confronted with the main villain being confronted and with a completely gorgeous bow thrown into the face of the viewer in two episodes. It just doesn't work. No longer enough the incoherent plot, the spectator is obliged to swallow a series of bad written dialogues and extremely superficial performances that spoil the experience even more. The second season of Chilling Adventures of Sabrina sins from start to finish, does not live up to its predecessor, and knocks down expectations for what can come next. With a lost script, fragile performances and a forced plot, the series conveys an experience that ranges from boredom to the shame. What remains now is to cheer for a new season that will compensate for the problems of what was delivered this time, because even in the face of its stumbling blocks, Netflix's version of Greendale's witch has its potential and when it does, it knows how to have fun.",
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